By Dr Md Shajedur Rahman, Research Fellow, School of Education, University of Birmingham
Bangladesh recently faced one of its most intense political crises, with nearly 500 people killed in student-led anti-government protests. The unrest forced Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina, long criticized for her increasingly autocratic rule, to resign and flee to India. In her absence, protesters compelled the President to dissolve parliament. Although the students’ victory was celebrated, it unleashed chaos, including attacks on minorities and the destruction of government properties like the Prime Minister’s residence, the parliament building, and police stations. This shift highlights how rising autocracy and use of flexible contested nationalist narratives can steer a secular party away from its principles, fostering religious intolerance. Amidst the turmoil, Nobel laureate Muhammad Yunus was sworn in as head of an interim government, forming a 17-member council of advisors, as the world closely watches the future of Bangladeshi politics.
The protest and its historical reason
Over her 15 years in power, Sheikh Hasina’s Awami League government faced numerous protests, including the Islamic student movement in 2013, and the road safety and quota reform protests in 2018. Hasina managed to suppress these movements largely due to her control over the police and the Awami League’s student wing, the Bangladesh Chhatra League (BCL).
The quota reform protests began in 2018, with students demanding the abolition of the 30% job quota reserved for families of 1971 war veterans. Despite massive protests, Hasina initially resisted but eventually scrapped the quota system entirely.
However, the situation escalated in July this year when the High Court reinstated the quota system, leading to renewed student protests. Hasina exacerbated tensions by labelling the protesters as “Razakars,” a deeply offensive term for collaborators with Pakistan during the 1971 war. This, coupled with the police killing a protesting student, ignited violent clashes between students, the government, and the BCL, resulting in hundreds of deaths and widespread arrests.
Despite deploying police, military, and BCL forces, Hasina could not maintain control, leading to her resignation and flight from the country. Although the quota protest was a catalyst, scholars point that Hasina’s downfall was the result of years of growing public anger over her increasingly autocratic rule, controversial election victories, suppression of dissent, extrajudicial killings, and the rising cost of living. Another factor that likely diminished her popularity is the flexible use of contested nationalist narratives to serve her party’s interests. For example, despite its secular foundation, the party often collaborates with groups it has previously labelled as extremists, leaving both supporters and opponents dissatisfied.
Aftermath of the triumph of the students protest
Following Sheikh Hasina’s resignation and escape, Bangladesh witnessed widespread celebrations across the country, with the exception of those loyal to the Awami League and its student wing, the BCL. However, the celebrations quickly turned into fear and suffering for religious minorities, particularly Hindus, as their establishments were vandalised, and they faced harassment.
In the midst of this chaos, supporters of the Awami League, including Hasina’s son who resides in the U.S., claimed that only their secular principles could protect religious minorities, an attempt to quell public anger while also leveraging the situation to enhance longstanding sympathy from their foreign ally, India.
Although Hasina’s son announced that she would not return to politics, he hinted that the Awami League would regain power, arguing that without their leadership, Bangladesh risks becoming an Islamic extremist state similar to Syria. He cited recent incidents following Hasina’s departure as evidence to support this claim. This narrative could potentially restore some public confidence in the Awami League.
Meanwhile, the new interim government, which includes two advisors from the student protest movement, is actively working to prevent Hindu-Muslim clashes through various campaigns. If they succeed in promoting religious harmony, it could make it much more difficult for the Awami League to stage a comeback.
The future
The interim government’s primary responsibility is to facilitate the transfer of power to an elected government. With the Awami League in a vulnerable position, the Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP) is eagerly awaiting elections. BNP leader Khaleda Zia, freed after five years of house arrest following Hasina’s departure, and her son Tarique Rahman, who has been in exile in London, recently demanded an election at the earliest.
However, the interim government, led by Professor Yunus, has indicated that they aim not only to restore democracy but also to dismantle the entrenched autocratic systems in the country. Given Yunus’s credibility with Western nations and financial institutions, it is expected that his administration could bring economic stability and help recover from the recent turmoil. This has led to widespread calls for the interim government to remain in place for at least two years.
Meanwhile, the youth, who spearheaded the protests against Hasina, are campaigning for a new political era in Bangladesh, sidelining traditional parties like the Awami League, BNP, and Jamaat-e-Islami. However, questions remain about who could serve as a viable alternative. A youth-based political party has recently been founded by a former vice president of the Dhaka University Central Students’ Union, but it is still nascent and faces internal challenges.
Professor Yunus previously attempted to establish his own party, Nagarik Shakti, in 2007, but it was suppressed by Hasina. If given sufficient time, the interim government could allow Yunus to revive and grow his political movement. However, his association with Grameen Bank, often criticized by political opponents for its interest-based model, and his close ties with Western countries, could be used by the BNP and Jamaat-e-Islami to undermine his political potential. Religion, particularly Islam, has always played a crucial role in politics. Mainstream politicians have consistently leveraged Islam to gain power, even when they claim their parties are secular. Therefore, the criticism of Yunus mentioned above could hinder his chances of success.
While the student-led protests have ended a long autocratic era, they have also led to significant anarchy and religious polarization. There is widespread distrust among the populace, particularly the youth, towards the existing political parties. They are demanding a democratic government that will reduce corruption and promote inclusion. Although a clear alternative has yet to emerge, the rapid changes in Bangladesh’s political landscape suggest that a suitable contender could appear soon, depending on how the interim government manages the situation.
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The views and opinions expressed in this article are those of the author and do not necessarily reflect the official policy or position of the University of Birmingham.